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United States involvement in the Mexican Revolution : ウィキペディア英語版
United States involvement in the Mexican Revolution

The United States involvement in the Mexican Revolution was varied and seemingly contradictory, first supporting and then repudiating Mexican regimes during the period 1910-1920.〔Friedrich Katz, ''The Secret War in Mexico: Europe, the United States, and the Mexican Revolution.'' Chicago: University of Chicago Press 1981, p. 563.〕 The United States' relationship with Mexico has often been turbulent, most especially during the Mexican–American War. For both economic and political reasons, the U.S. government generally supported those who occupied the seats of power, whether they held that power legitimately or not. A clear exception was the French Intervention in Mexico, when the U.S. supported the beleaguered liberal government of Benito Juárez. Prior to Woodrow Wilson's inauguration on March 4, 1913, the US government focused on just warning the Mexican military that decisive action from the U.S. military would take place if lives and property of U.S. nationals living in the country were endangered.〔http://www.angelfire.com/rebellion2/projectmexico/2.html〕 President William Howard Taft sent more troops to the US-Mexico border but did not allow them to intervene in the conflict,〔http://www.presidentprofiles.com/Grant-Eisenhower/William-Howard-Taft-Foreign-affairs.html〕〔http://millercenter.org/president/taft/essays/biography/5〕 a move which Congress opposed.〔 Twice during the Revolution, the U.S. sent troops into Mexico.〔http://boardgamegeek.com/boardgame/37266/so-far-from-god-the-mexican-revolution-1913-1920〕
The U.S. recognized the government of Porfirio Díaz in 1878, two years after Díaz's coup d'état brought him to power. Díaz's long rule of Mexico brought close economic cooperation between the two countries, especially since Díaz imposed political order that allowed business to flourish. In 1908, however, Díaz gave an interview to a U.S. journalist, James Creelman, in which Díaz stated he would not run for re-election in 1910; the statement gave rise to politicking of potential candidates. Díaz reversed himself, ran for re-election, and jailed the leading opposition candidate, Francisco I. Madero. Mexican revolutionaries prior to the 1910 events had sought refuge on the U.S. side of the border, a pattern Madero continued. He escaped Mexico and took refuge in San Antonio, Texas and called for nullification of the 1910 elections, himself as provisional president, and revolutionary support from the Mexican people. His Plan of San Luis Potosí did spark revolutionary uprisings, particularly in Mexico's north. The U.S. stayed out of the unfolding events until March 6, 1911, when President William Howard Taft mobilized forces on the U.S.-Mexico border. "In effect this was an intervention in Mexican politics, and to Mexicans it meant the United States had condemned Díaz.〔John Womack, Jr. "The Mexican Revolution" in ''Mexico Since Independence'', ed. Leslie Bethell. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1991, p. 131.〕
Although the United States appears to have pursued an inconsistent policy toward Mexico, in fact it was the pattern for the U.S. "Every victorious faction between 1910 and 1919 enjoyed the sympathy, and in most cases the direct support of U.S. authorities in its struggle for power. In each case, the administration in Washington soon turned on its new friends with the same vehemence it had initially expressed in supporting them."〔 The U.S. turned against the regimes it helped install when they began pursuing policies counter to U.S. diplomatic and business interests.〔Katz, ''Secret War in Mexico'', p. 564.〕
When Díaz was forced to resign in 1911 and Francisco I. Madero was elected president in October 1911, the U.S. president was a lame duck. The U.S. Ambassador to Mexico, Henry Lane Wilson was initially sympathetic to the new regime, but quickly came into conflict with it. Ambassador Wilson conspired with General Victoriano Huerta to oust Madero. The United States government under newly inaugurated president Woodrow Wilson refused to recognize Huerta's government.
Under President Wilson, the United States had sent troops to bomb and occupy Veracruz. President Wilson's government recognized the government of Venustiano Carranza in 1915, which allowed arms from the U.S. to flow to Carranza's forces. When former Carranza ally, Pancho Villa attacked the border town of Columbus, New Mexico in 1916, the U.S. Army pursued him in a punitive mission, known as Pancho Villa Expedition. The U.S. failed in the main objective of that raid, which was to capture Villa. Carranza forced the U.S. to withdraw across the border.
==Anglo-American attitudes and U.S. diplomacy in Latin America==
(詳細はMonroe Doctrine. In the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, President Theodore Roosevelt asserted the United States' right to intervene militarily in the region to restore order if in the U.S. view a nation could not or would not do it itself. Thus there was a long history of U.S. intervention in Latin America prior to the Mexican Revolution.
Underpinning these U.S. foreign policies was the assumption that Latin American countries and Latin Americans themselves were lesser. Many Protestant Anglo-Americans believed Catholic Latin Americans were the antithesis of all they themselves represented;〔Anderson, Mark. C. "What's to Be Done With 'Em? Images of Mexican Cultural Backwardness, Racial Limitations and Moral Decrepitude in the United States Press 1913-1915", ''Mexican Studies'', Winter Vol. 14, No. 1 (1997):28.〕 Latin Americans were seen to be lazy to Anglo-American industriousness, sluggish to their progress, violent to their peaceful, and genetically debased. These attitudes originated in Catholic Spain's colonial-era political rivals, the Protestant English, who articulated anti-Spanish rhetoric, collectively known as the "Black Legend".〔Rayund A. Paredes, "The Origins of Anti-Mexican Sentiment in the United States", ''New Scholar'' Vol. 6 (1977):139, 158〕〔Anderson, Mark. C. "What's to Be Done With 'Em? Images of Mexican Cultural Backwardness, Racial Limitations and Moral Decrepitude in the United States Press 1913-1915", ''Mexican Studies'', Winter Vol. 14, No. 1 (1997): 27-28, also known as the Leyenda Negra.〕 Protestant Anglo-Americans believed Spanish Americans dangerously misguided with their "anti-Christ" Pope.〔Rayund A. Paredes, "The Origins of Anti-Mexican Sentiment in the United States", ''New Scholar'' Vol. 6 (1977):140.〕 One political cartoon during the Mexican Revolution expressed the opinion that former Spanish colonies were only able to advance as they had, due to U.S. intervention.

The press in the U.S. portrayed Mexicans as innately violent and consistently missing opportunities for advancement, as seen in a 1913 ''San Francisco Examiner'' cartoon. Rather than considering the Revolution as a legitimate means of forcing change, it served merely to reinforce the perception of lawless Mexicans. Many contended it was only through dictator Porfirio Díaz that Mexico had previously been kept out of chaos.〔John A. Britton, "A Search for Meaning" in ''Revolution and Ideology: Images of the Mexican Revolution in the United States''. Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky (1995):29.〕 Land redistribution undertaken by Mexican revolutionary Pancho Villa were condemned as "offer() evidence...of the barbarity of Mexican politics,"〔Britton, John. A. "Revolution in Context" in ''Revolution and Ideology: Images of the Mexican Revolution in the United States''. Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky (1995):5.〕 to which President Woodrow Wilson replied, "the revolution was out of control and...only U.S military intervention could stabilize (state )."〔 Constant oversight by the U.S. is effectively depicted in a cartoon where watchful American cannon "eyes" are directed on Mexico.〔Anderson, Mark. C. "What's to Be Done With 'Em? Images of Mexican Cultural Backwardness, Racial Limitations and Moral Decrepitude in the United States Press 1913-1915", ''Mexican Studies'', Winter Vol. 14, No. 1 (1997):40.〕
These ideas led to the belief that the United States ought to militarily resolve the situation, reinforced by the second motivating factor of industrial interests in Mexico. Indeed, eighty percent of all investment linked to the railroads were attributed to the US, leading many to conclude, "by the dawn of the new century, the United States controlled the Mexican economy."〔Gonzalez, Gilbert G. and Raul A. Fernandez. "Empire and the Origins of Twentieth Century Migration from Mexico to the United States" in ''A Century of Chicano History'', New York, Routledge (2003):37.〕 The railroads, mining and consolidated cash-crop farms were all designed to maximize American interests.〔Gonzalez, Gilbert G. and Raul A. Fernandez. "Empire and the Origins of Twentieth Century Migration from Mexico to the United States" in ''A Century of Chicano History'', New York, Routledge (2003):31.〕
US corporations were thus alarmed at the possibility of radical resource redistribution and elimination of the status quo previously maintained by Diaz, and demanded that their interests be secured. This fear was fanned with that under the Mexican Constitution of 1917, the national government would be able to regulate foreign-owned operations.〔Britton, John. A. "Revolution in Context" in ''Revolution and Ideology: Images of the Mexican Revolution in the United States''. Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky (1995):6.〕 Many deemed that "Mexico...was the doorway to all of Latin America's riches, but ''only'' if the neighbor remained under U.S economic tutelage."〔Gonzalez, Gilbert G. and Raul A. Fernandez. "Empire and the Origins of Twentieth Century Migration from Mexico to the United States" in ''A Century of Chicano History'', New York, Routledge (2003):35, emphasis mine.〕 The U.S. government's intervention would merely be safeguarding its interests and continuing its "informal imperialism" whereby threats of military involvement and economic pressures were used to keep Mexico in line with U.S. goals.〔Britton, John. A. "Revolution in Context" in ''Revolution and Ideology: Images of the Mexican Revolution in the United States''. Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky (1995):8.〕

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